TNMCs are not monolithic, in the sense that they are rigid and inflexible organizations with a predefined and unchangeable corporate culture; on the contrary most of them are the reflection of the individuals that developed and organized them II.
This initiative is designed to address these threats by a generating empirical knowledge b fostering policy debates with decision makers at local, regional and global levels, and c partnering with inter-governmental organizations in the implementation of locally-led initiatives at national level.
As part of generating empirical knowledge, a series of case studies on the Andean Region have been prepared. They explore the relationship between politics and organized crime networks in Puno PeruManabi Ecuador and Antioquia Colombia.
The material builds upon previous research commissioned by International IDEA and carried out by local experts.
In Ecuador, for instance, Manabi has become an important region for the transport of drugs to Central America. Foreign cartels have built relationships with politicians and businessmen: The case of Puno, Peru, is also relevant: In Antioquia, Colombia particularly in the Municipality of Bellolocal criminal groups have maintained semi-open relationships with local politicians for many years, providing financial and logistic support to election campaigns.
Direct involvement of politicians in organized crime networks In the Andean Region local politics is usually reserved for the elite that control important economic interests in their respective regions.
These local leaders are the ones who often use organized crime for their own benefit e. This becomes apparent with the type of structure that organized crime increasingly uses in this region: Those involved are not always connected to each other and they often operate through temporary arrangements in a non-hierarchical fashion.
This type of structure allows political forces to participate in the business without being subordinated to a particular group. The benefit crime networks often derive from political actors is not always in the form of direct quid pro quo arrangements, but rather is paid off by a series of diffused favours.
Use of charities and civil society organizations to get public support and create political pressure Alliances between organized crime and the State are not only established through traditional political leaders, but also through foundations and institutes that have important contacts and sometimes contracts with the local establishment.
Some criminals carry out charity work around their communities to gain popular support and create a shield to protect them against state pressure. Identified institutional and public policy challenges Focus on war tactics Partly due to the gravity of organized crime activities in the region, as well as popular pressures to see concrete actions taken against them, State responses have often been limited and fail to tackle the real driver of criminal activity i.
However, in some countries the authorities have increasingly moved towards identifying and prosecuting the financial structures of these networks.
The transnational support structures of terrorist groups act as force multipliers. While boosting the military and non-military capability and capacity of terrorist groups at a strategic level, they also perform certain diplomatic, political, military and economic functions both in the domestic and international theatre, at a . Four mechanisms contribute to Taiwanese acceptance of all things Japanese and Korean: (1) the marketing of Japanese and Korean culture industries, (2) the promotion of Japanese and Korean popular cultures by local media, (3) business practice in Taiwan and (4) transnational tourism. Ezra and Rowden suggest that Transnational cinema “comprises both globalisation and the counter hegemonic responses of filmmakers from former colonial and third world countries” (, p.1). They suggest further that “the Transnational can be understood as the global forces that link people or institutions across nations” (, p.1).
And in so doing they often tackle those with links to the political establishment. Poor decentralization processes Despite decentralization of responsibility, many local authorities still do not have either the capacity or the resources to deal with organized crime in their communities - without mentioning the lack of coordination with national authorities in this respect.
National interventions often ignore local processes in state building, which often prove to be inadequate for these tasks.
Problems with money laundering Even though authorities increasingly recognize and understand the importance of controlling financial flows in order to successfully combat organized crime, there are still many cracks through which money manages to penetrate.
This includes the non-formal economic sectors at the local level, as well as industries that have economic interests outside the financial system.Ezra and Rowden suggest that Transnational cinema “comprises both globalisation and the counter hegemonic responses of filmmakers from former colonial and third world countries” (, p.1).
They suggest further that “the Transnational can be understood as the global forces that link people or institutions across nations” (, p.1). Cross-cultural study strengthens link between media violence, aggressive behavior (, April 11).
Cross-cultural study strengthens link between media violence, aggressive behavior. Our research on transnational media cultures explores the influence of global media industries and trends in media representations, identities and media consumption among diasporic communities and within transnational comparative contexts.
The transnational support structures of terrorist groups act as force multipliers.
While boosting the military and non-military capability and capacity of terrorist groups at a strategic level, they also perform certain diplomatic, political, military and economic functions both in the domestic and international theatre, at a .
Definition of transnational company: A commercial enterprise that operates substantial facilities, does business in more than one country and does not consider any particular country its national home.
the relations between transnational call center work and changes in transnational migration patterns, with a focus on the link between deportation, call centers and culture in a transna- tional virtual space.