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Home The Cuban Revolution and its leadership: A criticism of Peter Taaffe's pamphlet 'Cuba: Analysis of the Revolution' The following article was written at the request of Farooq Tariq, general secretary of the Labour Party Pakistan, as an initial contribution to a discussion between the LPP and the DSP on the character of the leadership of the Cuban socialist state and the Communist Party of Cuba.
It was published in the Volume 9, Number 4,edition of The Activist, the Democratic Socialist Party' s internal discussion bulletin. By Doug Lorimer Peter Taaffe's pamphlet on Cuba first published in and reprinted in consists of three articles taken from the paper of the British Militant organisation now called the Socialist Partyof which he was, and still is, general secretary.
The first article presents an analysis of the revolutionary struggle in Cuba up to the expropriation of capitalist property and the establishment of a planned economy.
The second article analyses the character of the group which led the Cuban socialist revolution, the central conclusion of which is indicated by the article's title: The third article is an attempt to substantiate this view in the light of the foreign and domestic policies of this leadership group.
The basic conclusion of the pamphlet is set out at the end of the third article: The Cuban revolution has demonstrated the gigantic possibilities which flow from nationalisation and a plan of production. In the statistics which record the rise in health care, education, social security and the development of the economy it has been more than justified.
It has also given a big push to the revolution in the Caribbean and in Latin America. But because the revolution took place in a backward country with a leadership which based itself on a predominantly agrarian movement and with national limitations, bureaucratic degeneration was inevitable.
Undoubtedly the Castro regime still has much more of a popular base than the Stalinist regimes in Russia and in Eastern Europe.
But the development of industry will also mean the growth of the working class and with it increasing demands for workers' democracy. Moreover political revolution in Eastern Europe or the social revolution in Europe, America or Japan will have their repercussions in Cuba itself.
The victory of the socialist revolution in Argentina or Brazil, for instance, would have a dramatic effect on Cuba. In these countries the social weight of the working class is so decisive that the socialist revolution would develop along the lines of the Russian revolution.
A victory of the working class in either country would detonate the socialist revolution throughout the continent and lead to a new revolution in Cuba -- a political revolution and the establishment of workers' democracy.
Taaffe's basic conclusion is that the task facing the Cuban proletariat in was the same as that facing the workers in the Soviet Union, i. This political perspective is based upon his claim that the Castro regime represents a "bureaucratic elite" similar in all essential characteristics to the ruling bureaucratic caste in the Soviet Union, as analysed by Trotsky in his book The Revolution Betrayed.
What must be proven? Before examining the evidence presented by Taaffe to substantiate this position, we should be clear on the criteria to be used by Marxists in assessing if this is actually the case. To justify calling for the revolutionary overthrow of the Castro regime by the Cuban proletariat it would have to be shown -- as Trotsky did in the case of the Stalin regime in the USSR -- that: This regime represents a crystallised, petty-bourgeois social caste of administrators with institutionalised special privileges so far-reaching that the interests of this ruling stratum are in contradiction with the class interests of the Cuban proletariat.
That, in defending the institutionalised special privileges of this bureaucratic stratum, the Castro regime rules through totalitarian methods that politically atomise the working people of Cuba. That in its international policies the Castro regime places the narrow interests of this bureaucratic caste ahead of those of the Cuban proletariat, i.
It is not sufficient to point to instances where the Castro leadership has made mistakes or taken wrong positions on world events. If this were the criteria for deciding that a leadership did not defend the general class interests of the proletariat of its country, then we'd have to conclude that such a leadership has never existed anywhere in the world.
There has never been a revolutionary proletarian leadership -- and this includes Marx and Lenin, not to mention any of their contemporary disciples -- who have not made mistakes or taken wrong positions on events occurring in other countries. A mere listing of bureaucratic deformations in the Cuban political system is also not sufficient to substantiate the conclusion that the class interests of the Cuban proletariat can only be defended and advanced through the revolutionary overthrow of the Castro regime.
Lenin himself observed in that the proletarian regime he headed had bureaucratic deformations. But no genuine Marxist would have concluded that this meant that the defence of the class interests of the Russian proletariat at that time necessitated the revolutionary overthrow of the Bolshevik regime.
As in Soviet Russia, there has been a problem with bureaucratism, of privilege-taking, of corruption of individual officials, in revolutionary Cuba from the start. As early as the Castro leadership openly acknowledged and attacked these problems.
But they are not the same thing as the political triumph of a crystallised petty-bourgeois social layer such as was represented in Soviet Russia by Stalin. To convincingly argue that a political revolution is needed in Cuba it would have to be shown that the Castro regime, because of its social character and material interests, has failed to respond in a revolutionary manner to openings to advance the international struggle against imperialism and Marxists outside Cuba can be confident that it will act in a fundamentally counter-revolutionary manner toward revolutionary struggles in neighbouring countries; that any new revolutionary upsurge in Latin America in particular would not attract the support of the Castro leadership but would be met by hostility from this leadership since its basic foreign policy guide is the search for a class-collaborationist alliance with US imperialism directed against the victory of further proletarian revolutions in Latin America.
If these things could be demonstrated then it would be the duty of Marxists inside Cuba and abroad to work for the overthrow of the Castro regime within the framework of defending the social conquests of the Cuban proletarian-socialist revolution against a bourgeois social counterrevolution and attacks from imperialism.
Now it might seem that this is placing a heavy burden of proof on Taaffe and anyone who subscribes to his policy regarding Cuba.
The Cuban Revolution Essay. Words 4 Pages. The Cuban Revolution The Cuban revolution was one that transformed Cuba into an independent socialist society. This revolution sent a message around the globe. The message: “ Socialism can be achieved and capitalism, with its culture stripping mechanism’s can be supplemented”. Maurice Meisner The significance of the Chinese Revolution in world history Working paper Original citation: Meisner, Maurice () The significance of the Chinese Revolution in world history. Working Paper. Asia Research Centre, London School of Economics and Political Science, London, UK. Both the Chinese Revolution of and the Cuban Revolution of completely fit the definition of a full revolution. Of course, while revolutions often originally have the best interests of the people in mind, corruption and power madness quickly leave the hosts of 3/5(1).
It is a heavy burden of proof. And it ought to be. It is no small decision for Marxists living in capitalist countries that are militarily aligned with US imperialism as are Australia, Britain and Pakistan to call for the overthrow of a leadership of a post-capitalist country subject to an economic blockade and continual hostile political and military pressure by US imperialism.Essays on industrial revolution.
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The Chinese Revolution exerted a significant influence throughout the world and the Cuban Revolution has also had a similar influence.
Indeed, many will agree that . essay before you begin to answer the essay question. C. Berlin blockade D. Cuban missile crisis (1) Actions of the United Nations (2) Formation of the Commonwealth of Inde- 39 What is the correct chronological order for this set of events in Chinese history? A. Communist Revolution B.
Tiananmen Square Massacre. May 15, · On May 16, , the Chinese Communist Party’s Central Committee issued a circular that outlined Mao’s ideas on the Cultural Revolution. But there were precursors in . For CAPE , students were asked document based questions on the Cuban Revolution.
I do not think Cuban Revolution will come at all this year (whether as an essay or a document based question).
The Cuban Revolution was a social and political revolution. The revolution can be categorized as a political revolution because people of Cuba were against the Cuban government and wanted a democratic government instead. It can also be classified as a social revolution . Cuban revolution essay writing. the shaking palsy one cent matdan jagruti essay about myself sebastian metzelder dissertations secondary 2 english essays on television chinese to hawaii essay symbols in a streetcar named desire essays on leadership vaisakhi da mela essay writing. tion of a “Chinese Cuban” identity and the contradictions inherent in the revi- upheaval in the aftermath of China’s Communist revolution produced a brief resurgence in migration. In the years following the Cuban Revolution of Remaking Havana’s Barrio Chino
My predictions for the document based questions are as follows. By the s however, the Chinese community in Cuba was already diminishing, and following the revolution, many also left the island.
The Cuban revolution did create an increase in relations with China for a short time.